The curse of Africa;its resources

some of Africa's natural resources

Africa is a large and topographically varied land mass, which is endowed the  with a wide range of natural resources.Despite a lack of systematic environmental mapping and survey, the vast expanse of the continent is known to contain widespread reserves of natural resources with a great potential for mineral beneficiation. Yet in the midst of this great wealth Africa is a paradox of poverty and protracted social violence. More than two-thirds of the countries in Africa are fragile and characterized by a combination of weak governance infrastructure, little or no service delivery, protracted social unrest and political violence. More so, questions about regime legitimacy, inter-communal strife, food insecurity, economic despair, disputed border conflicts and targeted attacks in countries such as Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Zimbabwe, Zambia, Senegal, South Sudan, Libya, Madagascar, Kenya, Egypt, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Mauritania, and Sudan (Herbst, 2000).

Resource curse is defined as a paradoxical situation in which countries with an abundance of non-renewable resources experience stagnant growth or even economic contraction (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). The resource curse occurs as a country begins to focus all of its energies on a single industry, such as mining, and neglects other major sectors (Mwesiga Baregu, 2011). As a result, the nation becomes overly dependent on the price of commodities, and overall gross domestic product becomes extremely volatile (Humprey, 2005). Additionally, government corruption often results when proper resource rights and an income distribution framework is not established in the society, resulting in unfair regulation of the industry (Rienner, 1999). The resource curse is most often witnessed in emerging markets following a major natural resource discovery (ibid).

A commonly cited example of the resource curse is the Dutch disease, a situation which occurred in the Netherlands following a large natural gas find (Waston, 2010). The steps of the Dutch disease includes, when a nation finds ample natural resource reserves and economic focus begins to target this high-income industry (Patey, 2007). The major focus is to transfer skilled workers from other sector to the resource sector and increasing the wages making the national currency less competitive (Ross, 2003). Whilst other industries especially the manufacturing sector begins to suffer both, the Dutch disease and the resource curse having a paradoxical impact on the overall economy following the discovery of large natural resource reserves (ibid).

A conflict is defined as a violent and armed confrontation and struggle between groups, between the state and one or more groups, and between two or more states (Bannon, 2003). In such confrontation and struggle some of those involved are injured and killed (ibid). Such a conflict can last anything from six months to over twenty years (Herbst, 2000). Conflicts do not take place in vacuum but they occur in institutions or the organizations of those institutions (ibid). Of the known cases of conflict in Tanzania, a number have taken place in specific institutions and these institutions have included between and within Political Parties, between and within Civil Society Organizations, between the State and Civil Society Organizations, between Men and Women (Gender Based Conflicts) due to unequal distribution of opportunities between men and women based on archaic traditions and culture ( Renner, 2003). Conflicts also happens between Youths and Seniors (Generational Conflict) due to unequal distribution of opportunities between the young and the old, and also it can occur between Muslims and Christians and within the two religions (Religion Based Conflicts) or between Pastoralists and Farmers (resource based conflicts) (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). 

 It is now the purpose of this paper to explain the relevance of “Africa’s curse is its resources” in Africa’s conflicts. Thus, to a larger extend the conflicts that are happening across Africa are mainly caused by unequal distribution of resources and it is only the few that gains more at the expense of many. A perpetual cycle can also be identified, as “resource exploitation fuels war, and war facilitates continued exploitation.” Indeed, “Africa bleeds because of its abundant wealth” (Herbst, 2000). To understand what drives these conflicts, it is important to discuss the most prominent resources with particular strategic significance. Significantly, natural resources play a key role in triggering and sustaining conflicts (Humprey, 2005). And the resources that generate many of these problems are largely oil and gas, diamonds, columbium tantalite (coltan), drugs, gold, platinum, uranium and other gemstones; and also timber, coffee, water, land, grazing pasture, livestock and rubber (I C G A, 2010). In some cases, resource conflict is embedded in the social and economic grievance narrative (ibid). As a result, many see a ‘resource curse’ in Africa, whereby easily obtainable natural resources and commodities have essentially hurt the prospects of several African national and regional economies by fostering political corruption and feeding violence and rebellion (Ofori-Amoah, 2004).

To add on, one of the most controversial resources is that of oil. This has been described as the “fluid, dark foundation upon which many of the world’s conflicts have been based (Ross, 2002). Energy particularly oil it “plays a crucial role in Western economies” specifically in the commercial, industrial, and transport sectors (ibid). As such, oil is oftentimes referred to as ‘black gold,’ due to its significant value (Patey, 2007). This lucrative industry is thus subjected to enormous international influence from countries, stakeholders and multi-national corporations alike and it is estimated that Africa accounts for about 12% of global oil production (ibid).

The majority of Africa’s oil is extracted from the Gulf of Guinea in countries such as Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, and Nigeria, as well as in the North African region (Patey, 2007). It is significant to note that Angola, Cameroon, Chad, the DRC, Nigeria, and Sudan all major African oil producers have each experienced some type of conflict in recent years (Waston, 2010). In Angola, for instance, off-shore oil and alluvial diamonds enabled the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National Union for the Total independence of Angola) rebels to engage in protracted combat (LeBillion, 1999). Leaders on both sides enjoyed enormous wealth from oil and diamonds while unarmed citizens, and particularly women and children, suffered strange acts of violence (ibid).

As many Western nations require oil to be imported “energy security” has become an important aspect of states’ foreign policies; for example, that of the United States (Patey, 2007). In particular, the United States has been the leader in securing their “energy security” by, for example, engaging in strategic partnerships with oil-producing countries in order to ensure American allocations of oil (ibid). Although Western powers have generally concentrated their oil interests in the Middle East, Africa has continued to gain recognition as an oil-rich continent (Waston,2010). However, weak governance, mismanagement, continued conflict, poverty, and corrupt leadership is more often associated with oil in Africa than with wealth (Ross, 2002).

Sudan’s dubious oil extraction methods have had “an adverse influence on the conflict” (Patey, 2007).  For example, during the early 1980s, corrupt activities of President Jaafar Mohammad al-Nimeiri included means to purposefully alter Sudan’s state boundaries in order to ensure that the North “would have access to future oil earnings” (Patey, 2007). When the Civil War resurfaced in later years, the continued corruption to “capture oil reserves” aggravated and worsened the conflict in the Sudan (ibid).

It is significant to mention that the majority of oil reserves lie in South Sudan and that North Sudan, as well as the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) has repeatedly tried to gain access to this oil, with frequent clashes occurring (Patey, 2007). For example, the SPLA frequently attacked construction workers in the mid-1990s when the oil pipeline was being built from the southern regions to the north (Waston, 2010). Owing to the oil reserves being situated in the South, this could serve to aggravate future tensions in the two countries (ibid). In Nigeria the oil-rich Delta region of Nigeria is, in particular, plagued with political instability, weak governance and continuous conflict which only serves to aggravate the situation (Patey, 2007). Conflict in Nigeria is worsened by competition for oil both between multi-national corporations and the Nigerian Government (ibid).

As a result, fish stocks have been negatively affected, mostly due to the regular oil spills and leakages from the pipelines in the Niger Delta (Ross, 2002). Furthermore, Nigeria’s wetland areas have also been damaged (ibid). In addition, frequent disruptions such as insurgent attacks on oil pipelines by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) characterize the Niger Delta (Waston, 2010). Besides having an effect on short-term oil supply, market stability is also negatively affected as a result (ibid). Oil theft is also extremely common and is then sold illicitly (Patey, 2007). In order to protect their oil, militia and rebel groups have been known to kill people in the Niger Delta, again, most frequently by MEND  (ibid). Evidently, this total disregard for human lives has led to African conflicts being some of the most bloodied.

More so, like many African countries, Liberia has experienced corruption in the highest levels of its political system. Perhaps the most apt example of this corruption is that of Liberia’s former president, Charles Taylor, who sold oil resource rights to foreign companies, only to keep the revenues for himself (Patey, 2007).

Taylor also became notorious for illegally using diamonds and timber to support the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), as well as militia and rebel groups in the civil war in Sierra Leone (Waston, 2010).In Liberia and Sierra Leone, the diversity of resources (diamonds, iron ore, rubber and timber) and their geographical distribution led to the phenomenon of war-lordizm, characterized by a highly fragmented conflict between a weak government holding the capital and numerous militia groups controlling resources in the interior (Gonzalez,2010).

Where rural areas produce commodities with high economic rents, such as the blood diamonds of Angola and Sierra Leone, it is a relatively easy matter for belligerents to run rackets extracting revenue by force (ibid). Indeed, diamonds accounted for the high incidence of conflict in those countries (I C G A, 2010). They were seen as the ultimate lootable resource; alluvial diamonds were particularly suitable because they could be easily extracted and their transport costs, compared with their total value, were inconsequential (Rienner, 1999). Thus the UN Office of the Special Advisor on Africa (OSAA) argued that revenues from natural resource exploitation were used for supporting militaries and also to sustain political support and self-centered egos (ibid).

 In Central African Republic (CAR) Poverty and armed conflict are characterizing features of the diamond mines in the Central African Republic (CAR) (I C G A, 2010). Control of the CAR’s diamond sector is heavily controlled by President François Bozizé (ibid). For example, the 12% export tax on diamonds “makes smuggling worthwhile and fosters illicit trading networks that deprive the state of much needed revenue” (Reinner, 1999). CAR is rich in diamonds, but has historically been the victim of colonial and modern exploitation (Ross, 2002).

 However, approximately 90,000 unlicensed miners illegally extract diamonds, whilst foreign multi-national corporations reap the rewards, leaving the locals in poverty (LeBillion, 1999). In addition, rebel groups frequently sell diamonds illegally, as well as receive funding from these illicit sales and several other commodities such as gold, coltan, drugs and timber have at various times been linked with many violent conflict flashpoints in Africa (ibid). In the case of high-value agricultural commodities, rebel groups are not directly involved in production but predate harvests when they are ripe (Humprey, 2005).

Such resource predation is manifested in Uganda, Burundi and the DRC, where rebel groups and armed bandits maraud and loot crop fields (Reinner, 1999). LeBillion (1999) asserts that the presence of certain natural resources causes low economic growth and grievances that lead to conflict. As averred earlier, diamonds in Angola were critical to the ability of UNITA to sustain its challenge to the government (ibid). A UN panel of experts report established that rough gems in the Angolan civil war allowed the rebels to buy weapons and gain friends and external support and served as a store for wealth (LeBillion, 1999).

 In the same vein, the Global Witness report confirmed that diamonds ‘played the major role in enabling UNITA to restock its munitions and maintain a flow of supplies which in turn enabled it to disregard the 1992 election results and avoid meeting its obligations under the Lusaka Protocol’ (Reinner, 1999). Despite these findings, it is worth mentioning here that while both reports underscore the role of natural resources in sustaining the conflict, they nonetheless do not argue that diamonds were the sole cause of the war, or that UNITA was fighting only for diamond wealth (Waston, 2010).

Conflict over renewable resources has also become apparent in Africa, whereby people fight over limited resources this is due to the population of Africa which has increased from 221 million in 1950 to 921 million and is projected to reach 1 998 million in 2050 shrinking the amount of resources available to the average person(Homer-Dixon, 1995). Violent conflicts such as those in Rwanda in 1994, South Africa in pre- and post-apartheid, Mauritania/Senegal in 1989 and Zimbabwe in 1960 to 1980 were among other factors the result of demographic pressures that created extreme environmental scarcities (Mwesiga Baregu, 2011).

Other classic examples include pockets of over-populated, over-grazed and over-cultivated interiors in Sudan, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Botswana, South Africa and Zambia (Homer-Dixon, 1995). Very violent conflicts have occurred among local communities in competition for diminishing resources (ibid). To add on, water has also the potential to “become the fuel” for conflict, owing to its importance in daily life (Ofori-Amoah, 2004). Competition for water resources tends to involve a number of neighboring states, as rivers often run through multiple countries (ibid). In this competition, states often monopolize on their fertile locations and control the flow of water into other countries (Bannon, 2003). By doing so, these monopolies serve to fuel tension between competing states. For example, the countries, where these water sources, have their origins “tend to try and gain the most control over the water” such as along the Nile (ibid).

Unequal distribution and access to natural resources in which less powerful groups in the society, relative to other groups are marginalized from equal access to particular resources may result to Africa’s resource exacerbating conflicts (Homer-Dixon, 1995). Resources concentrate in the hands of a few elite while the rest are subjected to greater scarcity (ibid).

Such unequal social distribution does not presuppose actual shortage if the resource were to be distributed evenly (Humprey, 2005). In many countries in Africa the colonial governments segregated local citizens, and this was one of the major causes of violent nationalist movements (ibid). In South Africa, for example, the system of apartheid provided whites with 87 per cent of the land, while almost 75 per cent of the country’s black population lived in squalor and within restricted areas that accounted for only 13 per cent of the land (Herbst, 2000). Resources were also inequitably distributed within the restricted areas, as local elites controlled access to productive agriculture and grazing land (ibid).

Unfortunately, many of the postcolonial regimes in Africa have perpetuated some of these structural cleavages leading to the churning out of discontent and violent protests against corrupt officials (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). In effect, a reduction in the quantity and/or quality of a resource decreases the resource, while population growth divides the resource into smaller pieces between more and more people and unequal resource distribution means that some groups get disproportionately larger allocations of the resource (ibid). Thus, increased environmental scarcity caused by one or more of the above mentioned processes may lead to several consequences, which in turn may generate armed and/or domestic conflict (Mwesiga Baregu,2011).

On the other end, resources can be a “blessing” rather than a curse they assist in promoting socio-economic growth and development within a country and minimize conflicts (Renner, 2003). An interesting example of a country with strategic resources that has not fallen into conflict is South Africa. With 75% and 73% of global manganese and platinum reserves respectively, it is an important commodity-rich country (Bannon, 2003). Additionally, both Namibia and Botswana are rich in diamonds, yet they have not experienced conflict over resources (Gonzalez, 2010).

This can mainly be attributed to their stable economies and relatively strong Governments and therefore, it can be argued that it is generally those resource-rich countries with weak, repressive Governments, and fragile, centralized economies that “descend into chaos,” as a result of competition over resources (ibid).

In conclusion, Owing to the abundance of strategic resources, Africa can be viewed as having the capacity to become a key leader with great potential as a resource power. However, in order for this to be realized, resource-rich African countries need to “effectively own and control” their resources. The reality is that Africa is the victim of external competition. As long as competition, greed, and power exist in the global system, Western powers as well as African countries themselves will continue to see conflicts for the world’s resources.

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