Analysing the cause of conflicts in the globe;Samuel Huntington.

Conflict is defined as any episode of sustained violence in which national, ethnic, and religious or other communal minorities challenge governments to seek major changes in status (Bates et. al. 2003 . Huntington defines civilisations as the highest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of cultural identity people have short of what distinguishes humans from other species. It is defined by both common language, history, religion, customs, institutions and by the subjective self-identification of people.(Huntington)(19993)

He further  states that in the future conflicts will occur along the cultural fault lines separating civilizations. It is thought that the increased ease of global communication will lead to more interactions between people of different cultures, thus intensifying civilization consciousness. Huntington further points that human beings are divided along cultural lines - Western, Islamic, Hindu. There is no universal civilization. Instead, there are these cultural blocks, each within its own distinct set of values. This increased civilization consciousness makes the differences between civilizations more apparent and will invigorate animosities leading to conflict (Huntington 1993).

However Russett, Oneal and Cox (2000) find that civilizational differences tell us little about the likelihood that disputes would escalate to violence. These predictions by Huntington are heavily criticised. Many argue that civilisations will not be the basis for future conflict, but there is little agreement over what will be the basis for post-Cold War conflict. Some, like Kirkpatrick et al (1993 Hunter (1998), Kader (1998) argue that the civilisations Huntington describes are not united and that most conflicts, both international and domestic, will be between members of the same civilisations.

Huntington (1993) argues that whereas conflicts during the Cold War  were based mostly along the ideological divide between the US and Soviet blocs of that era, in the post-Cold War era most conflicts will occur along civilizational lines and these conflicts will be particularly intense. Huntington divides the world into eight major civilisations: Western, Confucian/Sinic, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American, and ‘possibly ‘African which could mean civilizational state failures will be more intense than non-civilisational state failures, especially after the end of the Cold War.

People in the Arab world do not share the general suppositions of the Western world. Their primary attachment is to their religion, not to their nation-state. Their culture is inhospitable to certain liberal ideals, like pluralism, individualism and democracy.

Huntington correctly foresaw that the Arab strongman regimes were fragile and were threatened by the masses of unemployed young men. He thought these regimes could fall, but he did not believe that the nations would modernize in a Western direction. Amid the tumult of regime change, the rebels would selectively borrow tools from the West, but their borrowing would be refracted through their own beliefs. They would follow their own trajectory and not become more Western.

The Muslim world has bloody borders. There are wars and tensions where the Muslim world comes into conflict with other civilizations. Huntington ‘s predictions can be said to be partly correct in that Islamic groups may be ‘bloody’ but, by far, most of the blood is shed within their borders. Conflicts involving only Islamic groups such as the religious revolution in Algeria, the civil war in Afghanistan, and the Kurdish rebellions against Iran, Iraq, and Turkey are the norm for conflicts involving the Islamic civilisation, and conflicts like the civil wars in the former Yugoslavia and Lebanon are in the minority.

Tipson (1997) and Walt (1997), among others argue that Huntington’s predictions amount to a self-fulfilling prophecy should be taken seriously especially in the wake of the events of 11 September 2001. If predictions like those of Huntington combined with the activities of groups like Al Qaeda,Al Shabaab succeed in convincing Western policy makers that Islam is a threat, then it will be treated as one. If this occurs, conflicts between the West and Islam would probably be given more attention and provoke a more conflictive response from the West, making escalation more likely and peaceful resolution less common than may otherwise have been likely. However, Islamic groups do account for the greatest number of conflict years both during and after the Cold War.

Even if decrepit regimes fell, Huntington suggested, there would still be a fundamental clash of civilizations between Islam and the West. The Western nations would do well to keep their distance from Muslim affairs, without the common threat of communism the West and Muslim now perceive each other as enemies and increased communication and interaction between the two civilisations has exaggerated the perceived differences between the two societies. The more the two civilizations intermingle, the worse the tensions will be. Chinese civilization is seen as a larger threat to the West once .

Chinese culture collides with the American interests regarding the non-existence of a regional power in Southeast Asia. Islamic civilization is considered as a potential Chinese ally,

Domestic conflicts have become increasingly important in the international arena for several reasons. First, since the end of the Cold War, a greater proportion of conflicts are internal ones (Carment and James 1997; David1997).For example severe state failures such as those in Congo-Kinshasa, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Burundi have often crossed borders to destabilise entire regions. Weinberg and Eubank (1999) and Weinberg, Eubank and Pedahzur (2002) found that, in the 1980s and 1990s, terrorism was becoming more civilizational. In particular, most terrorism was by Islamic groups against non-Muslims and most new terrorist organisations were Islamic.

The Soviet-Afghan war and the first Gulf War marked the emergence of civilisational wars. Huntington interpreted the Afghan War as a civilization war because it was seen as the first successful resistance to a foreign power, which boosted the self-confidence and power of many fighters in the Islamic world, leaving behind an uneasy coalition of Islamic organizations intent on promoting Islam against all non-Muslim forces, perceiving the West as a major threat to their way of life.

The Hindu and Confucian/Sinic civilisations had a greater proportion of civilizational conflicts than did the Islamic civilisation. Based on the criteria of proportion of conflict years which are civilizational in the post-Cold War era, it is the Confucian/Sinic civilisation which has the ‘bloodiest’ borders, with 72% of its conflicts being civilizational. However, the absolute number of civilizational conflict years involving the Islamic civilisation is greater than that of any other civilisation, but this can be explained as a part of the general tendency of that civilisation to engage in conflict. Huntington asserts the increased role and importance of religion in world politics and this has been evident in the clash of religions such as the Jews and Christians, Muslims, Islam and Hindus in Asian and African countries.

According to Weinberg, Eubank and Pedahzur (2002)  in the 1980s and 1990s,terrorism was becoming more civilisational. In particular, most terrorism was by Islamic groups against non-Muslims and most new terrorist organisations were Islamic. However, this is by no means conclusive in that it shows only that Muslim groups tend to choose terrorism as a tactic. It does not include other types of violence including guerrilla warfare and high-intensity civil war. That the studies mentioned above (as well as the results of this study), which include several types of domestic conflict, do not confirm this result indicates that domestic conflict, in general, is not civilizational .

Huntington further emphasizes the rise in power and influence of non-western countries against Western civilisation and struggling for economic power. Davis and Moore (1997) find a connection between international ethnic alliances and international conflict. While this provides some confirmation for Huntington’s predictions of civilizational influence in conflicts, For example the four tigers (hong kong,Taiwan,south korea,Singapore) and China which have asserted cultural relevance through economic successes. Asian countries are decreasingly responsive to United States demands and interests and have resisted pressure from the Western countries.

The Asian ability to successfully modernize and develop economically without adopting western values supports Huntington’s thesis that the world is becoming less Westernised. Further he postulates that a new structure of civilisation as centred on a small number of powerful core states. Culture commonality legitimates the leadership and order-imposing role of the core state for both member states and core external powers and institutions. For example core states in the globe may refer to France , Germany for the EU. Their sphere of influence ends in Western Christendom. Thus to say civilisations are strictly bound to religious affiliation.

However other critics of Huntington’s theory include: that Huntington got his facts wrong (Anwar 1998; Hassner 1997. Kader 1998) or even ignored or bent the facts to fit his theory (Pfaff 1997;Hassner 1997b); that his theory is an oversimplification (Hassner 1997a; Pfaff1997); that his list of civilisations is incorrect (Beedham 1999; Pfaff 1997,Tipson 1997); that he often contradicts himself , that his evidence is wholly anecdotal, leaving room for others to cite counterexamples (Gurr 1994; Halliday 1997); that he provides no systematic analysis of the link between civilisational controversies and political behaviour (Senghass 1998; Walt 1997); and that his predictions amount to self-fulfilling prophecies.

Russett, Oneal and Cox’s (2000) study on militarised interstate disputes from 1992 to 2000  finds among other things that intra-civilizational conflicts were more likely than inter-civilizational conflicts, civilizational conflicts if anything declined as the Cold War ended and that Huntington’s ‘West versus the rest’ and ‘Islamic threat to the West’ predictions were unfounded. They also show that, while civilizational variables are not important, aspects of the realist and liberal theories are important predictors of international conflict. These findings are also consistent with those of Henderson (1998) that cultural factors do not have a unidirectional impact on international war.

Henderson and Tucker (2001) found that, if anything civilizational differences make states less likely to go to war. Singer (2000) show that  political factors have a greater influence on civil wars than cultural ones. Gurr (1994) found no support for Huntington’s theory among major ethno-political conflicts. Ellingsen (2000) found that there is no real change in the dynamics of ethnic conflict from the Cold War to the post-Cold War eras. Fox (2001b, 2002) also found that, globally, there has been little change in the ratio of civilisational versus non-civilisational ethnic conflict since the end of the Cold War and that there has also been little change in Islamic involvement in civilisational ethnic conflict since the end of the Cold War.

Huntington might have concluded that this large number of ‘West versus Islam’ conflicts is new to the post-Cold War era. One possible answer is that although ‘Islamic versus West’conflicts may have been more common during the Cold War, the psychology of the Cold War could have obscured this fact. That is, many, if not most, policy makers and academics in the West ideologically believed that its greatest enemy was communism, and other conflicts were either considered less important or were viewed in the context of the Cold War. Many internal conflicts took on Cold War dimensions when both sides received support from either the Western or Soviet blocs. Thus, perhaps, the end of the Cold War and the lifting of the era’s ideological blinders allowed for a fresh look at the nature of world conflict and patterns that had always been there, and were even in a decline but were previously obscured by the imperatives of the Cold War, became evident and were mistaken for being novel.

In conclusion Huntington’s assertions, as well as the claims of those who disagree with him, is crucial. How academics and policy makers choose to understand the nature of conflict in the global era will probably influence the official policies toward future conflict, and consequently the course of the conflicts themselves. While our understanding of the nature of post-Cold War conflict is by no means complete, and for that matter our understanding of conflict during the Cold War was also probably incomplete. Accordingly, it is important that both academics and policy makers seek new avenues of understanding conflict with the awareness that what they expect to see can easily and unnecessarily be transformed into reality.

References

1. Ahari, M.E. 1997. ‘The Clash of Civilizations: An Old Story or New Truth.’ New Perspectives  Quarterly.

2. Ajami, F. 1993. ‘The Summoning.’  Foreign Affairs 72(4): 2–9.

3. Anwar, S.T. 1998. ‘Civilizations versus Civilizations in a New Multipolar World.’ Journal of Marketing 62(2): 125–8.

4. Bartley, R.L. 1993. ‘The Case for Optimism.’ Foreign Affairs 72(4): 15–18.

5. Beedham, B. 1999. ‘The New Geopolitics: A Fading Hell.’ The Economist Accessed 25/02/15.

6. HUNTINGTON, Samuel – «The Clash of Civilizations?. Foreign Affairs, vol. 72, n.º 3, 1993, pp. 22-49.

7. HUNTINGTON, Samuel – The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, 1996.

8. PARKER, John, RATHBONE, Richard – African History, a Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, 2007.

9. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clash_of_Civilizations

10. Henderson, E.A. and J.D. Singer. 2000. ‘Civil War in the Post-colonial World, 1946–92.’ Journal of  Peace Research. Accessed 20/02/15.

11. Henderson, E.A. and R. Tucker. 2001. ‘Clear and Present Strangers: The Clash of Civilizations and International Conflict.’ International Studies Quarterly 45.Accessed 20/02/15

13. Walt, S.N. 1997. ‘Building Up New  Bogeymen.’ Foreign Policy 106: 177–89.

14. Weinberg, L. and W. Eubank. 1999. ‘Terrorism and the Shape of Things to Come.’ Terrorism and Political Violence 11(4): 94–105.

human rights and human development

There are inmate relations between human rights and human development. In the Universal Declaration of human rights, human rights were proclaimed as the highest aspiration of common people and whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the while, while the ultimate goal of human development is to improve and enhance the quality of life of all people. Human rights and human development and development share the same purpose. The universal attainment is inseparable from the latter. The latter will be disoriented and meaningless if it does not aim to achieve the former. The human rights framework also introduces the important idea that certain actors have duties to facilitate and foster development. Human development analysis helps to inform the policy choices necessary for the realization of human rights in particular situations (. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 2000)

Human rights are rights originating from human dignity. As explicitly declared in Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” every human being is entitled to all rights and freedoms set forth in this declaration, without distinction of any kind ,such as race colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion national or social origin, property, birth or other status.(ibid). Some of the most important characteristics of human rights are that they: are universal, focus on the inherent dignity and equal worth of all human beings are equal, indivisible and interdependent, cannot be waived or taken away, impose obligations of action and omission, particularly on States and State actors, have been internationally guaranteed, are legally protected, protect individuals and, to some extent groups. (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1958)

Human rights are also indivisible and interdependent. The principle of their indivisibility recognizes that no human right is inherently inferior to any other. Economic, social and cultural rights must be respected, protected and realized on an equal footing with civil and political rights. The principle of their interdependent recognizes the difficulty and, in many cases, the impossibility of realizing any one human right in isolation. For instance, it is futile to talk of the right to work without a certain minimal realization of the right to education. Similarly, the right to vote may seem of little importance to somebody with nothing to eat or in situations where people are victimized because of their skin colour, sex, language or religion. Taken together, the indivisibility and interdependence principles mean that efforts should be made to realize all human rights together, allowing for prioritization as necessary in accordance with human rights principles.( Millennium Development Goals”, Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 27, No. 3 (August 2005)

Human development is a holistic approach that looks at wellbeing of people. As people’s rights are recognised there is an enhancement in human development index. Human development is the process of enlarging people’s choices, choices being allowing them to lead a long and healthy life, to be educated, to enjoy a decent standard of living, as well as political freedom, other guaranteed human rights and various ingredients of self respect. Measures of human development include human poverty index (HDI) and the Gender empowerment measure. There are six basic pillars of human development and these are equity, sustainability, productivity, empowerment, cooperation and security. (UNDP, Human Development Report 2003)

Peace building is an intervention that is designed to prevent the start or resumption of violent conflict by creating a sustainable peace. Peace building activities address the root causes or potential causes of violence, create a societal expectation for peaceful conflict resolution and stabilize society politically and socioeconomically. Oliver, R., (2011)

Human development and human rights are close enough in motivation and concern to be compatible and congruous, and they are different enough in strategy and design to supplement each other fruitfully, according to the Human Development Report 2000.7 Human rights and human development both aim to promote well-being and freedom, based on the inherent dignity and equality of all people. The concern of human development is the realization by all of basic freedoms, such as having the choice to meet bodily requirements or to escape preventable disease. It also includes enabling opportunities, such as those given by schooling, equality guarantees and a functioning justice system. By realising these human development human rights would also been have realised which then leads to peace building.

Human rights and human development share a preoccupation with necessary outcomes for improving people’s lives, but also with better processes. Being people-centred, they reflect a fundamental concern with institutions, policies and processes as participatory and comprehensive in coverage as possible, respecting the agency of all individuals. For instance, in the human rights and human development frameworks, the development of new technologies for effective malaria prevention is a legitimate and even desirable outcome. But in rolling out these technologies development actors should clearly assess and explain the possible negative effects of the testing, as well as ensure that the technologies are accessible and affordable and that vulnerable groups are not excluded. Human rights contribute to human development by guaranteeing a protected space where the elite cannot monopolize development processes, policies and programmes and this eventually lead to peace building because every group in the community feel recognised. (World Bank, World Development Report 2003)

There are other rights which also need to be protected and promoted; these are civil and political rights. As civil and political rights on one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights on the other, offer different benefits to the state and its people, it is legitimate to consider them separately. One of the key advantages that civil and political rights offer is that they enable citizens to feel involved with the state and that their state, in some way, belongs to them. This is important in terms of nation-building and securing lasting peace, because if citizens have no connection to the state, then they also have no motivation to avoid conflict (. Alston, P. 1995.)

However it is impossible to discuss the role of civil and political rights in creating a sense of belonging to a nation without discussing electoral rights. The right to vote and to stand for election represents a direct method of participating in the building and rebuilding of the nation, and is a right that is essential if lasting peace is to be secured in all societies. Being able to vote is particularly important for creating a sense of belonging between citizens and state. According to the United Nations Office of the Special Advisor on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women, democratic elections have become a central element of peace-building in most societies. This emphasis on elections acknowledges that popularly supported, legitimate institutions can be a key to lasting solutions to conflicts. Only when institutions are democratic and representative of all groups in society, women as well as men, minorities as well as majorities, the dispossessed as well as the affluent are recognised stable peace and national prosperity is likely to be achieved. (http//www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/publication/Chapter1.htm)

The right to liberty and security of persons is also a major right which shows that human development have been attained within a state. This right, combined with the right to life and freedom from torture, is important for ensuring that people do not have to fear for their safety whilst going about their daily lives. It is a right included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 3 as well as in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, article 9. (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 3  International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article  19 ) hence it is widely recognised and applied this helps to build everlasting peace as well as development within a state because if citizens are able to feel safe and secure in their environment, conflict is less likely to arise. It is particularly important that this right is successfully introduced into post-conflict societies where persecution has previously been an issue. This is because there is likely to be suspicion among citizens and other peoples that the rebuilding of the nation will result in the reinstatement of persecution.

The right to a fair trial and equality before the law is also another right which shows that human development have been attained within a state. Since equity is among the six pillars of human development it is important to ensure that all people are treated fairly in legal proceedings within newly rebuilt or already existing societies, largely because faith needs to be restored and or should always be within citizens and the ability of the legal system to provide justice. As with the right to liberty and security of person, the implementation of the right to a fair trial and equality is necessary as citizens feel that the state is able to protect them, if they are unable to see this, then they are unlikely to be able to feel that they truly belong within the state and this is likely to bring instability within a state. The protection of these rights is also important to the state more generally a functioning and respected legal system is crucial in securing law and order, being essential if future civil unrest is to be avoided. It follows from this that protecting the right to a fair trial and equality before the law can be a vital ingredient for securing lasting peace. (http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/publication/Chapter1.htm)

In as much as the state may try to observe human rights and human development it is also important to consider the physical and mental wellbeing of the nation as it also contribute to peace building. The physical and mental wellbeing of the nation can be particularly important for maintaining peace and security in societies. A human rights framework that provides comprehensive protection for the human right to health is fundamental for achieving this. Although providing such protection is a difficult political issue even in the world’s wealthiest of nations the provision of real access to healthcare in all nations will help to prevent civil unrest. Such access should include emergency and routine medical treatment, as well as immunization programmes. This will help to maintain lasting peace because, if a society  or a less affluent proportion of that society is suffering from ill-health and disease, that society is much more likely to be rife with discontent. Additionally, creating a healthy nation is likely to benefit the state’s economy a sick nation is unable to work, and is therefore unable to generate wealth. (Alston. 1995)

Another right which is also vital is the right to education. The right to education is vital to improving the wealth of the nation as a whole. Education provides those within a state with opportunities to develop new skills. This, in turn, provides them with the opportunity to generate a higher income. As citizens are able to earn more, it is clear that the nation’s economy will improve as a whole and the likelihood of satisfaction and prevention of frustration can considerably contribute to building a connection with the state. This is also an indicator of one of the pillars of human development which is empowerment. If citizens had the right to education they become empowered and this help to bring peace to a state because educated people know how to solve issues in a peaceful manner. However, if investment is made in the education system, then the state’s economic outlook can improve in the long-term. Moreover, such investment will prevent unrest in the short to medium-term because if citizens can see progress being made and they are given the opportunity to improve their own standard and quality of life, they are far less likely to agitate and resort to conflict. (ibid).

The right to work should also be observed as help to bring peace to a state. One of the pillars of human development is productivity. If citizens are given room to work they become productive for the growth of their state’s economy. As with the other economic, social and cultural rights considered, it is evident that protection of the right to work carries with it the potential to improve the prosperity of the nation. This is because it is important to have an active workforce in order to grow the nation’s economy: if people are given the ability to work, then they are able to go out and earn more money, some of which can then be created as revenue. Nations should therefore aim to provide protection for this right, in order to provide their citizens with the best chance of improving their economic situations. Such protection will in turn reduce unrest and improve the economy thereby bringing peace to the state. (Alston et al, 2005)

For a state to achieve sustainable peace there is need to observe the protection of minorities’ right. Since security is one of the pillars of human development if minority groups in a state are protected they feel secured and this probably lead to peace building. Possibly the most important contribution human rights can make to securing lasting peace is the protection they bring to minorities. This is done both through enabling minorities to use their civil and political rights to influence public policy, and also through ensuring that even the most marginalised groups are able to access provisions needed to meet their basic needs, such as basic healthcare for example. (Gauri, V.)

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the relationship between human rights and human development is very vital as the two complement each other. For instance for a state to achieve all the six pillars of human development which are equity, sustainability, productivity, empowerment, cooperation and security human rights must be observed first. If human rights are observed and human development attained peace will eventually be achieved. Several issues exist within societies, and these need to be addressed in order to rebuild or build nations and secure lasting peace. It is clear that human rights can have an important role to play in this process. Civil and political rights are useful for creating a sense of belonging to the nation, whereas economic, social and cultural rights are valuable for creating opportunities both for individuals within societies, as a whole.

REFERENCE

Alston. (1995)”The Rights Framework and Development Assistance”34 Development

                            Bulletin: Australia

Alston et al, Phillip (2005) Human Rights and Development towards Mutual

                                           Reinforcement: Oxford University Press

Brahimi, L, ‘State Building in Crisis and Post-Conflict Societies’, June 2007

Gauri,V.”Social Rights and Economics: Claim to Health Care and Education in Developing

                 Countries

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Millennium Development Goals”, Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 27, No. 3 (August 2005

Oliver ,R.(2011).A post Liberal Peace:UK.Routledge

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, retrevied 03.04.2014

 World Bank:World Development Report( 2013)

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/publication/Chapter1.htm 

The curse of Africa;its resources

some of Africa's natural resources

Africa is a large and topographically varied land mass, which is endowed the  with a wide range of natural resources.Despite a lack of systematic environmental mapping and survey, the vast expanse of the continent is known to contain widespread reserves of natural resources with a great potential for mineral beneficiation. Yet in the midst of this great wealth Africa is a paradox of poverty and protracted social violence. More than two-thirds of the countries in Africa are fragile and characterized by a combination of weak governance infrastructure, little or no service delivery, protracted social unrest and political violence. More so, questions about regime legitimacy, inter-communal strife, food insecurity, economic despair, disputed border conflicts and targeted attacks in countries such as Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Zimbabwe, Zambia, Senegal, South Sudan, Libya, Madagascar, Kenya, Egypt, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Mauritania, and Sudan (Herbst, 2000).

Resource curse is defined as a paradoxical situation in which countries with an abundance of non-renewable resources experience stagnant growth or even economic contraction (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). The resource curse occurs as a country begins to focus all of its energies on a single industry, such as mining, and neglects other major sectors (Mwesiga Baregu, 2011). As a result, the nation becomes overly dependent on the price of commodities, and overall gross domestic product becomes extremely volatile (Humprey, 2005). Additionally, government corruption often results when proper resource rights and an income distribution framework is not established in the society, resulting in unfair regulation of the industry (Rienner, 1999). The resource curse is most often witnessed in emerging markets following a major natural resource discovery (ibid).

A commonly cited example of the resource curse is the Dutch disease, a situation which occurred in the Netherlands following a large natural gas find (Waston, 2010). The steps of the Dutch disease includes, when a nation finds ample natural resource reserves and economic focus begins to target this high-income industry (Patey, 2007). The major focus is to transfer skilled workers from other sector to the resource sector and increasing the wages making the national currency less competitive (Ross, 2003). Whilst other industries especially the manufacturing sector begins to suffer both, the Dutch disease and the resource curse having a paradoxical impact on the overall economy following the discovery of large natural resource reserves (ibid).

A conflict is defined as a violent and armed confrontation and struggle between groups, between the state and one or more groups, and between two or more states (Bannon, 2003). In such confrontation and struggle some of those involved are injured and killed (ibid). Such a conflict can last anything from six months to over twenty years (Herbst, 2000). Conflicts do not take place in vacuum but they occur in institutions or the organizations of those institutions (ibid). Of the known cases of conflict in Tanzania, a number have taken place in specific institutions and these institutions have included between and within Political Parties, between and within Civil Society Organizations, between the State and Civil Society Organizations, between Men and Women (Gender Based Conflicts) due to unequal distribution of opportunities between men and women based on archaic traditions and culture ( Renner, 2003). Conflicts also happens between Youths and Seniors (Generational Conflict) due to unequal distribution of opportunities between the young and the old, and also it can occur between Muslims and Christians and within the two religions (Religion Based Conflicts) or between Pastoralists and Farmers (resource based conflicts) (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). 

 It is now the purpose of this paper to explain the relevance of “Africa’s curse is its resources” in Africa’s conflicts. Thus, to a larger extend the conflicts that are happening across Africa are mainly caused by unequal distribution of resources and it is only the few that gains more at the expense of many. A perpetual cycle can also be identified, as “resource exploitation fuels war, and war facilitates continued exploitation.” Indeed, “Africa bleeds because of its abundant wealth” (Herbst, 2000). To understand what drives these conflicts, it is important to discuss the most prominent resources with particular strategic significance. Significantly, natural resources play a key role in triggering and sustaining conflicts (Humprey, 2005). And the resources that generate many of these problems are largely oil and gas, diamonds, columbium tantalite (coltan), drugs, gold, platinum, uranium and other gemstones; and also timber, coffee, water, land, grazing pasture, livestock and rubber (I C G A, 2010). In some cases, resource conflict is embedded in the social and economic grievance narrative (ibid). As a result, many see a ‘resource curse’ in Africa, whereby easily obtainable natural resources and commodities have essentially hurt the prospects of several African national and regional economies by fostering political corruption and feeding violence and rebellion (Ofori-Amoah, 2004).

To add on, one of the most controversial resources is that of oil. This has been described as the “fluid, dark foundation upon which many of the world’s conflicts have been based (Ross, 2002). Energy particularly oil it “plays a crucial role in Western economies” specifically in the commercial, industrial, and transport sectors (ibid). As such, oil is oftentimes referred to as ‘black gold,’ due to its significant value (Patey, 2007). This lucrative industry is thus subjected to enormous international influence from countries, stakeholders and multi-national corporations alike and it is estimated that Africa accounts for about 12% of global oil production (ibid).

The majority of Africa’s oil is extracted from the Gulf of Guinea in countries such as Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, and Nigeria, as well as in the North African region (Patey, 2007). It is significant to note that Angola, Cameroon, Chad, the DRC, Nigeria, and Sudan all major African oil producers have each experienced some type of conflict in recent years (Waston, 2010). In Angola, for instance, off-shore oil and alluvial diamonds enabled the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National Union for the Total independence of Angola) rebels to engage in protracted combat (LeBillion, 1999). Leaders on both sides enjoyed enormous wealth from oil and diamonds while unarmed citizens, and particularly women and children, suffered strange acts of violence (ibid).

As many Western nations require oil to be imported “energy security” has become an important aspect of states’ foreign policies; for example, that of the United States (Patey, 2007). In particular, the United States has been the leader in securing their “energy security” by, for example, engaging in strategic partnerships with oil-producing countries in order to ensure American allocations of oil (ibid). Although Western powers have generally concentrated their oil interests in the Middle East, Africa has continued to gain recognition as an oil-rich continent (Waston,2010). However, weak governance, mismanagement, continued conflict, poverty, and corrupt leadership is more often associated with oil in Africa than with wealth (Ross, 2002).

Sudan’s dubious oil extraction methods have had “an adverse influence on the conflict” (Patey, 2007).  For example, during the early 1980s, corrupt activities of President Jaafar Mohammad al-Nimeiri included means to purposefully alter Sudan’s state boundaries in order to ensure that the North “would have access to future oil earnings” (Patey, 2007). When the Civil War resurfaced in later years, the continued corruption to “capture oil reserves” aggravated and worsened the conflict in the Sudan (ibid).

It is significant to mention that the majority of oil reserves lie in South Sudan and that North Sudan, as well as the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) has repeatedly tried to gain access to this oil, with frequent clashes occurring (Patey, 2007). For example, the SPLA frequently attacked construction workers in the mid-1990s when the oil pipeline was being built from the southern regions to the north (Waston, 2010). Owing to the oil reserves being situated in the South, this could serve to aggravate future tensions in the two countries (ibid). In Nigeria the oil-rich Delta region of Nigeria is, in particular, plagued with political instability, weak governance and continuous conflict which only serves to aggravate the situation (Patey, 2007). Conflict in Nigeria is worsened by competition for oil both between multi-national corporations and the Nigerian Government (ibid).

As a result, fish stocks have been negatively affected, mostly due to the regular oil spills and leakages from the pipelines in the Niger Delta (Ross, 2002). Furthermore, Nigeria’s wetland areas have also been damaged (ibid). In addition, frequent disruptions such as insurgent attacks on oil pipelines by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) characterize the Niger Delta (Waston, 2010). Besides having an effect on short-term oil supply, market stability is also negatively affected as a result (ibid). Oil theft is also extremely common and is then sold illicitly (Patey, 2007). In order to protect their oil, militia and rebel groups have been known to kill people in the Niger Delta, again, most frequently by MEND  (ibid). Evidently, this total disregard for human lives has led to African conflicts being some of the most bloodied.

More so, like many African countries, Liberia has experienced corruption in the highest levels of its political system. Perhaps the most apt example of this corruption is that of Liberia’s former president, Charles Taylor, who sold oil resource rights to foreign companies, only to keep the revenues for himself (Patey, 2007).

Taylor also became notorious for illegally using diamonds and timber to support the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), as well as militia and rebel groups in the civil war in Sierra Leone (Waston, 2010).In Liberia and Sierra Leone, the diversity of resources (diamonds, iron ore, rubber and timber) and their geographical distribution led to the phenomenon of war-lordizm, characterized by a highly fragmented conflict between a weak government holding the capital and numerous militia groups controlling resources in the interior (Gonzalez,2010).

Where rural areas produce commodities with high economic rents, such as the blood diamonds of Angola and Sierra Leone, it is a relatively easy matter for belligerents to run rackets extracting revenue by force (ibid). Indeed, diamonds accounted for the high incidence of conflict in those countries (I C G A, 2010). They were seen as the ultimate lootable resource; alluvial diamonds were particularly suitable because they could be easily extracted and their transport costs, compared with their total value, were inconsequential (Rienner, 1999). Thus the UN Office of the Special Advisor on Africa (OSAA) argued that revenues from natural resource exploitation were used for supporting militaries and also to sustain political support and self-centered egos (ibid).

 In Central African Republic (CAR) Poverty and armed conflict are characterizing features of the diamond mines in the Central African Republic (CAR) (I C G A, 2010). Control of the CAR’s diamond sector is heavily controlled by President François Bozizé (ibid). For example, the 12% export tax on diamonds “makes smuggling worthwhile and fosters illicit trading networks that deprive the state of much needed revenue” (Reinner, 1999). CAR is rich in diamonds, but has historically been the victim of colonial and modern exploitation (Ross, 2002).

 However, approximately 90,000 unlicensed miners illegally extract diamonds, whilst foreign multi-national corporations reap the rewards, leaving the locals in poverty (LeBillion, 1999). In addition, rebel groups frequently sell diamonds illegally, as well as receive funding from these illicit sales and several other commodities such as gold, coltan, drugs and timber have at various times been linked with many violent conflict flashpoints in Africa (ibid). In the case of high-value agricultural commodities, rebel groups are not directly involved in production but predate harvests when they are ripe (Humprey, 2005).

Such resource predation is manifested in Uganda, Burundi and the DRC, where rebel groups and armed bandits maraud and loot crop fields (Reinner, 1999). LeBillion (1999) asserts that the presence of certain natural resources causes low economic growth and grievances that lead to conflict. As averred earlier, diamonds in Angola were critical to the ability of UNITA to sustain its challenge to the government (ibid). A UN panel of experts report established that rough gems in the Angolan civil war allowed the rebels to buy weapons and gain friends and external support and served as a store for wealth (LeBillion, 1999).

 In the same vein, the Global Witness report confirmed that diamonds ‘played the major role in enabling UNITA to restock its munitions and maintain a flow of supplies which in turn enabled it to disregard the 1992 election results and avoid meeting its obligations under the Lusaka Protocol’ (Reinner, 1999). Despite these findings, it is worth mentioning here that while both reports underscore the role of natural resources in sustaining the conflict, they nonetheless do not argue that diamonds were the sole cause of the war, or that UNITA was fighting only for diamond wealth (Waston, 2010).

Conflict over renewable resources has also become apparent in Africa, whereby people fight over limited resources this is due to the population of Africa which has increased from 221 million in 1950 to 921 million and is projected to reach 1 998 million in 2050 shrinking the amount of resources available to the average person(Homer-Dixon, 1995). Violent conflicts such as those in Rwanda in 1994, South Africa in pre- and post-apartheid, Mauritania/Senegal in 1989 and Zimbabwe in 1960 to 1980 were among other factors the result of demographic pressures that created extreme environmental scarcities (Mwesiga Baregu, 2011).

Other classic examples include pockets of over-populated, over-grazed and over-cultivated interiors in Sudan, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Botswana, South Africa and Zambia (Homer-Dixon, 1995). Very violent conflicts have occurred among local communities in competition for diminishing resources (ibid). To add on, water has also the potential to “become the fuel” for conflict, owing to its importance in daily life (Ofori-Amoah, 2004). Competition for water resources tends to involve a number of neighboring states, as rivers often run through multiple countries (ibid). In this competition, states often monopolize on their fertile locations and control the flow of water into other countries (Bannon, 2003). By doing so, these monopolies serve to fuel tension between competing states. For example, the countries, where these water sources, have their origins “tend to try and gain the most control over the water” such as along the Nile (ibid).

Unequal distribution and access to natural resources in which less powerful groups in the society, relative to other groups are marginalized from equal access to particular resources may result to Africa’s resource exacerbating conflicts (Homer-Dixon, 1995). Resources concentrate in the hands of a few elite while the rest are subjected to greater scarcity (ibid).

Such unequal social distribution does not presuppose actual shortage if the resource were to be distributed evenly (Humprey, 2005). In many countries in Africa the colonial governments segregated local citizens, and this was one of the major causes of violent nationalist movements (ibid). In South Africa, for example, the system of apartheid provided whites with 87 per cent of the land, while almost 75 per cent of the country’s black population lived in squalor and within restricted areas that accounted for only 13 per cent of the land (Herbst, 2000). Resources were also inequitably distributed within the restricted areas, as local elites controlled access to productive agriculture and grazing land (ibid).

Unfortunately, many of the postcolonial regimes in Africa have perpetuated some of these structural cleavages leading to the churning out of discontent and violent protests against corrupt officials (Collier& Hoeffler, 1998). In effect, a reduction in the quantity and/or quality of a resource decreases the resource, while population growth divides the resource into smaller pieces between more and more people and unequal resource distribution means that some groups get disproportionately larger allocations of the resource (ibid). Thus, increased environmental scarcity caused by one or more of the above mentioned processes may lead to several consequences, which in turn may generate armed and/or domestic conflict (Mwesiga Baregu,2011).

On the other end, resources can be a “blessing” rather than a curse they assist in promoting socio-economic growth and development within a country and minimize conflicts (Renner, 2003). An interesting example of a country with strategic resources that has not fallen into conflict is South Africa. With 75% and 73% of global manganese and platinum reserves respectively, it is an important commodity-rich country (Bannon, 2003). Additionally, both Namibia and Botswana are rich in diamonds, yet they have not experienced conflict over resources (Gonzalez, 2010).

This can mainly be attributed to their stable economies and relatively strong Governments and therefore, it can be argued that it is generally those resource-rich countries with weak, repressive Governments, and fragile, centralized economies that “descend into chaos,” as a result of competition over resources (ibid).

In conclusion, Owing to the abundance of strategic resources, Africa can be viewed as having the capacity to become a key leader with great potential as a resource power. However, in order for this to be realized, resource-rich African countries need to “effectively own and control” their resources. The reality is that Africa is the victim of external competition. As long as competition, greed, and power exist in the global system, Western powers as well as African countries themselves will continue to see conflicts for the world’s resources.

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