In
Africa the role of civil society organizations has centered
around acting as a training ground
for future political leaders,
monitoring elections, constitution-making
and civic education, economic and social policy making, Justice and reconciliation,
humanitarian and food assistance as well as peace building amongst others.
Zimbabwe has not been spared the influence of
Civil society in its political, economic and social make up. This essay seeks to
expose the role played by Civil
society organizations in post-colonial Zimbabwe.
In
the immediate post colonial Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic Front(ZANU-PF), took maximum advantage of an
under-developed civil society by
claiming that ZANU(PF) was the sole legitimate representative of the people.
Under the guise of this claim, the party declared itself to be the umbrella
organization of all social movements and went about destroying civil society
associations in the name of 'the revolution'. All 'legitimate' organizations
were challenged by ZANU(PF) to join the ruling party as a way of proving their
revolutionary and patriotic commitment(Sithole)( 1988 ).However another school of
thought submits that Civil Society was nascent in the immediate post-
colonial period due to the independence
euphoria –Zimbabwe had just gotten its independence from colonial rule
therefore the Mugabe administration was the ideal vehicle for reconciliation, Unity
and development
To define civil
society, there are vast literary
submissions on the definition of the
term, According to Sachikonye(1995) it is an aggregate of institutions whose members
are engaged primarily in a complex of non-state
activities-economic and cultural
production, voluntary associations and household life – and who in this way preserve and transform their identity by exercising all sorts of pressures and controls upon state institutions. According to Bratton
(1994), it is defined as a sphere of social interaction between the
household and the state which is manifest in norms of community cooperation,
structures of voluntary association,
and networks of public communication. For the purpose
of this essay a civil
society organization is one which is non-profit making, which is
independent from the state and represent
a particular constituence whose mandate
is to engage the state on issues of common interests.
In the immediate post-colonial Zimbabwe, Civil society
played a complementary role to
the state thus the organizations were largely
supportive of the state in areas of relief and poverty reduction. The
state also supported the formation of
various CSOs such as Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
CSOs as players in the governance sector
are expected to be preoccupied with
democracy, political and civil rights, constitutional reform and citizen
participation. They also campaign for
transparency, accountability, anti-corruption in public and private sectors.
CSOs in this sector attract higher visibility during election campaign . This watchdog role of the civil
society began to manifest in 1992 after the adoption of
the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP)
without prior public consultation. Civil Society organizations such as the Zimbabwe Congress for Trade Unions(ZCTU)
organized anti-Esap demonstrations which
were met with repression from the state. This marked the beginning of
antagonism between the state and civil
society. According to Rich 1998, During the second phase of ESAP thus
1995- 1999 a group of CSOs under the
leadership of the Ecumenical
Support Services and the CCJP embarked on
a more proactive campaign by urging government to,
“…open up national debate, discussion on both ESAP 1
and the content of ESAP 2”, so as
to promote democracy in the crafting and implementation of
national economic policies.
In 1997 civil
society organization such as the
National Constitutional Assembly(NCA) pressurized the state into drafting a new constitution .The Lancaster
constitution of 1979 had been meant to be a transitionary
constitution and it did not embody the views of
Zimbabweans since it had been drafted
by the Zimbabwean elite and the whites. Besides being
exclusionary to the ordinary Zimbabwean the constitution according to Madhuku was like a ” torn trousers” due to its numerous
amendments to entrench Presidential powers. Civil societies therefore challenged its relevance to the Zimbabwean people thereby promoting democracy. In 2000 the civil society played
the role of being the “voice of the
voiceless” by lobbying for the rejection
of the draft constitution which had
deliberately ignored people’s views particularly on the executive powers
of the President. The government of
Zimbabwe had shortchanged the people of Zimbabwe through a shoddy Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku
led draft of a new constitution. One can say by instigating a “NO” vote
at the referendum the
organizations promoted people’s rights
to a democratic constitution making process.
CSOs
engaged in human rights work deal with cases of violation of rights by the state or its agents, the
documentation of abuses and seek the redress of the violations. They also
organize workshops and conferences on human rights, train human rights defenders
and provide courses in conflict resolution and peace-building(Zimbabwe
Institute). In the Post colonial Zimbabwe the Catholic
Commission for Justice and Peace(CCJP) documented the ZANU-PF influenced
“Gukurahundi” genocide of the 1980s in
Matabeleland .By so doing the religious fraternity sought to limit unbridled
state power on individual liberties(Mutambara 1991).The CCJP was the first CSO to challenge government
to take steps to end the civil
strife that the country found itself
embroiled in. To this day, CCJP, still takes
to court deserving cases
involving unlawful arrest and detention
or other abuses on human rights. It also
facilitates litigation against the state on behalf of victims of political violence and other social
injustices. In relation to the role played by CCJP, another CSO involved in
human rights advocacy is the Zimbabwe
Human Rights Organisation (Zimrights)
which primarily deals with the promotion
of human rights ,democracy and good governance, information dissemination and
research on human rights issues,
encouraging citizens to participate in choosing leaders, free legal
representation. Notably, Zimrights successfully managed to persuade government to
incorporate human rights in the
school curriculum. Other civic organizations
involved in human rights work include the Human Rights Trust of Southern
Africa, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Amnesty International(Zimbabwe)
and the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights.
Other CSOs in Zimbabwe are engaged in providing civic education to
citizens. This education
includes
basic political rights as well as voter education.Their focus relates closely
to that of those in the governance. For instance, Zimbabwe Electoral Support
Network(ZESN) is engaged
in broad governance especially electoral observation but also in provision of
voter education(Zimbabwe Institute). Key CSOs involved in civic education include Zimbabwe Peace Project
(ZPP), Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) and the Civic Education Network Trust (CIVINET). There
is considerable straddling of activities in civic education as some of these
organizations also deal with documentation of human rights violations, on
political violence and initiatives at peace-building at local levels.
An
important component of civil society is the media whose ‘watchdog role’ is indispensable
in society(Zimbabwe Institute). While the state-owned media cannot be
classified as part of civil society , the independent media is. The independent
media has borne a larger brunt of state repression. There are several media
organizations that campaign for press freedom as well an end to
authoritarianism. They include the Media
Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe (MMPZ), the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe (MAZ), and MISA-Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) represents
the interests of journalists and campaigns for their freedom from suppression.
Faith-based
organizations constitute a vital part of civil society. They are predominantly
based
on churches and church-related organizations. Amongst notable faith-based organizations
are the Zimbabwe Council of Churches
(ZCC), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops
Conference (ZCBC), the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ). These
organizations have been interested in areas such as constitutional reform and
national reconciliation. A parallel initiative is that of the Christian Alliance (CA) which draws from church leaders and individuals
from Catholic, Evangelical and Protestant churches, Bulawayo-based churches as
well as from the Zimbabwe National
Pastors Conference. The CA once organized the Save Zimbabwe Campaign in
conjunction with opposition parties to
bring pressure to bear on the Mugabe government.
A
significant component of CSOs consists of organizations representing women’s
rights in political, social and economic arenas. The organizations have drawn
from both professional sectors of society as well as ordinary membership in
both urban and rural areas. They include organizations such as Women’s Action Group (WAG), Zimbabwe Women
Lawyers’ Association (ZWLA), Musasa Project and Women and Law in Southern
Africa (WILSA), and Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), Zimbabwe Women’s Research Centre and Network
(ZWRCN), Women in Politics Unit
(Wipsu) and the Women’s Trust. Some provide services, others research and
advocacy across sectors including governance, human rights and civic education.
Their main thrust is to empower women and integrate them into political and
economic spheres of the country. The
introduction of the quota system in parliament is one such achievement of these
CSOs.
Labour
unions have been active sector of civil society both in the representation of workers’
interests and in campaigns for democratic governance. Representing more than 20
per cent of the total national work-force, they have exhibited greater
organizational and mobilizational reach than most CSOs(Zimbabwe Institute). Their
operations of unions range from civic education to human rights at work-places
to networking with various civic coalitions. One of labour’s major contributions was its
role in the formative stages of the MDC which proved to be the strongest
opposition movement since independence. Despite a state-sponsored attempt to
promote a rival centre, the Zimbabwe
Federation of Trade Unions
(ZFTU), labour has remained a
cohesive social group in championing people’s interest in governance. Closely
related to labour movements are student
and youth organizations which form an
active element within Zimbabwean . They organize in a sector that has witnessed
decline in education and employment provision. Despite the long arm of state
patronage and infiltration, such organizations as the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) and the Zimbabwe Student Christian Movement have been
active in projecting the interests of students. Frequent arrests and torture
have been unsuccessful in dampening student and youth activism.
In
local government matters, residents associations have been important players in
on matters of housing, water, electricity and access to other services. As the economic crises deepened in 2007, the role of these
associations became pivotal Zimbabwe
Institute).They have been in the forefront of resisting government measures
against democratically elected MDC councils and mayors in the period from 2003
-2012. The sacking of mayors in cities such as Harare and the installation of
state-appointed commissions compromised democratic governance and contributed
to the deterioration of infrastructure and services in cities and towns.
Amongst some of the active residents’ associations are the Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA),
the Bulawayo Residents Association and the Mutare Residents Association.
Various professional associations that contribute to the building of a civic culture and provision of
expertise on legal and governance matters. They also contribute to capacity building in individual CSOs. Notable amongst
such professional associations
are the Law Society of Zimbabwe, Progressive
Teachers Association amongst others.
'As
Zimbabweans, our new nation now demanded of us either as individuals, or as
groups or communities, a single loyalty that is a proper and logical
manifestation of our national unity and spirit of reconciliation.'
REFERENCE
LIST.
1.Matongo, Irene. 2011. 28 Arrests in WOZA demo over ZESA bills.
Accessed on 23
September 2013. Available
at:
http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/sept 23_2013.html#Z13
2. Moyo, Bhekinkosi; Muzondidya, James; Mlambo, Norman; Samasuwo,
Nhamo; and
Umwina, Chantal 2007 - Study
on Civil Society Organisations’ Engagement with
Regional Official Bodies and Policies:
Capacity Development Initiative of the
UNDP
(Consultancy Report for the UNDP Southern and Eastern Africa
Regional Office).
3.Operational
Environment for Civil Society Organisations in Zimbabwe’, In B. Moyo,
eds., Dis(Enabling) the
Public Sphere in Africa: Civil Society Regulation in Africa,
Volume 1 (Johannesburg: Southern Africa Trust and Trust Africa).
4.Ncube, Cornelius. 2010. Contesting Hegemony: Civil Society and
the Struggle for
5.Social Change in Zimbabwe, 2000-2008. The University of
Birmingham.
6.Zimbabwe institute 2010. Enhancing Democratisation and
Development in
Transitional Zimbabwe through Innovative Policies: 2010 – 2012
(Research Proposal,
January 2010).
7 .Sithole M ,
'Zimbabwe: In Search of a Stable Democracy', in
L. Diamond, J. J. Unz, and S. M. Upset (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries: volume 11 Africa (Boulder,
Lynne Rienner, 1988).
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