Tuesday, 12 September 2017

Child Soldiers in Africa



The Scourge of child soldiers in Africa.

Human Rights Watch (2006) reports that as many as 300 000 girls and boys between the ages of 8 and 18 serve as child soldiers, either in government forces or armed rebels groups, in 33 countries around the world. Also, according to the United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNCEF) (2014) survey in the current conflict in South Sudan, an estimated 9 000 children have been recruited into armed forces and groups by both sides in conflict in the country. While many children participate in combat, others are used for sexual purposes, as spies, messengers, servants, or to lay or clear landmines. Besides that, these children can be injured or killed, uprooted from their homes and communities, and can be internally displaced. Worse still, they are deprived of basic needs such as shelter, food and medical attention which consequently lead to a severe and lasting impact on their development. Graca Machel summed it all when she asserts that, “war violates every right of the child - the right to life, the right to be with the family nurtured and respected.” (UN, 2006). The African Charter on The Rights and Welfare of the Child defines a child as every human being below the age of 18 years (Article 2).That being the case, concerted effort should be put in place to establish causes of child soldiering in conflict zones of Africa.
Situational analysis
Article 22 of the African charter prohibits the use of children for the use of war. However according to the new African the June 2011 edition approximately 300 000 children were participating on conflicts of the continent. It is estimated that 1 in every 10 solders is a child. Thomas Lubanga was prosecuted by the ICC for the abduction of 14 000 children for the purpose of war in DRC. Joseph Kony was wanted by the ICC for abducting 30 000 children for the purpose of war in Uganda. In Angola both the largest opposition group, National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), and the government used child soldiers in the war. Children's rights groups have estimated that as many as 11,000 children were involved in the civil war. Some children received weapons and arms training and fought in the conflict. Many others acted as porters, cooks, spies and labourers. In South Sudan, an estimated 9 000 children have been recruited into armed forces and groups by both sides in conflict in the country. While many children participate in combat, others are used for sexual purposes, as spies, messengers, servants, or to lay or clear landmines. In Liberia, for instance, 10 percent of an estimated 60,000 combatants in the civil war that began in 1989 were children.
  

 The reason why the problem is eluding all these international legal frameworks is because the causes of child soldiering are complex and structural and that most of the time communities would try to deal with the symptoms of the problem. The major contributory structural cause in child soldiering is poverty (Cahn, 2005) which transcends through almost all other causes of the problem.
 However, other causes could cover failure of regionalism, failure of enforcement systems of enacted regional policies or laws and the collapse of government systems in a conflict afflicted country.
All children have the right to be protected from violence, exploitation and abuse.  Yet millions of children worldwide from all socio economic backgrounds across all ages, religions and cultural suffer such abuses especially in conflict zones.  The most prevalent child abuse in conflict zones is child soldiering where motivations are wide and spread, though this essay will mostly dwell on structural ones. The Machel Study (1996) showed that in some countries, children constitute a significant percentage of the combatants. In Liberia, for instance, about 10 percent of an estimated 60,000 combatants in the civil war that began in 1989 were children.
The most common structural cause of the menace of child soldiering is poverty (Zack-Williams, 2001).  This happens to be the primary cause of child soldiering.  Poverty is prevalent in Africa owing to a number of factors but mostly poor development policies.  This poverty is most predominant in rural areas where the largest chunk of Africa’s population lives and worse still where most of the conflicts are fought (Cahn, 2005).  Most of the time the rural people depend on substance farming such that the eruption of civil war would invite absolute poverty to communities.
Poverty could be at national level whereby a government is not able to provide the basic social services that would guarantee a better future for the youths (Singer, 2001). One such a social service is education. As the children are often not attending school they are in effect limiting their future chances of actually improving their situation and are more likely to continue a cycle of poverty through to the next generation (Hope, 2005) that would force them into child soldiering.
The circumstances of education have a very immense impact on young children as they help in forming their morals, values and goals for later life (Hughes, 2000).  Access to education and the content that is actually taught in schools are of equal importance. The relevance of education to employment, the way in which children are treated in their schools, or the way the school operates as a recruiting place are also important when studying the relationship between education and the recruitment of child soldiers. Likewise, the lack of education is a perilous trap because children will find armed violence as the only possible solution to their unappeasable boredom (Singer, 2001).
Whilst studying the significance of education, the link between education and employment is also very important. In many of Africa’s unstable countries, this connection is very fragile and as a result children often find themselves thrown into a world of poverty and unemployment where education has no value. A consistent cycle of poverty leads to one course for its children that appears to offer economic protection and that course is that of armed involvement (Cahn, 2005). As poverty increases in third-world countries the connection between education and employment is rapidly eroding and tragically a child coming to the conclusion that education is not very important in their lives.
Weak state systems also allow child soldiering to thrive in conflict zones as monitoring becomes ineffective (UNICEF, 1997). The ‘state’ is often virtually non-existent due to corruption or conflict and thus not able to provide sensible economic policies that may encourage industrial development or any social safety nets. The result is that there would be simply insufficient jobs; the only organization is that of the army or rebel group and therefore child soldiers in Africa do not exist exclusively for ideological reasons, but rather reasons of survival and escape from abject poverty. There is need to address weak state systems to deal with child soldiering.
Failure to relocate from the conflict zone due to poverty would render families or clans defenseless (Singer, 2001).  As a result children are forced by their elders to join the war to defend their tribes or families.  This is prevalent in tribal or religions conflicts as is the current case with the South Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR) conflicts respectively.  In South Sudan the conflict is mostly between the Dinka and the Neur tribes with the latter led by President Salva Kiir and his former Vice President Riek Machar. In CAR the conflict is mostly between the Moslems and the Christians.  At times in such circumstances the children join voluntarily to protect their religions, beliefs or their relatives.
Motivations that may lead to a child ‘voluntarily’ choosing to become a child soldier often stem from a view that the armed force will provide various opportunities not available at home. Additionally they are seen as providing a sense of adventure, survival in the case of an orphan, revenge against killed family members (blood revenge) and escape from an either oppressive or abusive home (Cahn, 2005). In Ethiopia, families have encouraged sons to join opposition groups as a means of avenging the deaths of family members (Matthew, 2008). Psychologically, people who have been victims of violence are at great risk of becoming perpetrators of violence. Families may also encourage sons to join the military for economic reasons, seeing the salary from soldiering as the most likely route to survival. Some boys join the military for adventure or to win fame and the respect of other males, others bask in the praise of mothers who express pride in seeing their sons in uniform.
However, assertions that children join armed groups voluntarily are debatable. Coomaruswamy (2013) argues that it is difficult to measure the extent of voluntary intention of the child in joining the struggle.  She argues that children are not capable of making such a morale judgment.  As such she believes that any decision by children to join the armed group is either through direct coercion or through indirect coercion by way of bad conditions that exist in the local environment. At times the young soldiers are hardened through drug abuse (Hughes, 2000). Nevertheless the quest for national identity, liberation, and a secure homeland animates many armed conflicts. Typically, identity conflicts are saturated with an ideology of liberation struggle that draws a sharp line between Us and Them, glorifies the in-group while denigrating the out-group, and honors high levels of commitment to the cause (Cahn, 2005). Particularly in conflicts influenced by strong religious ideologies, youth may view the cause as having divine sanction, making it a clear-cut struggle between Good and Evil. Conflicts bordering around religion and ethnicity usually recruit child soldiers due indoctrination or identity/ideological issues. In Rwanda during the early 1990s, the Hutu-dominated government used radio to spread hatred of the Tutsis, who were demonized as murderous outsiders (www.savethechildren.org). This helped prepare children for roles as killers in the youth militias in the 1994 genocide. Such conflicts usually lead to martyrdom which feeds into child soldiering.
Children could join armed groups through direct coercion or mandatory conscription (Singer, 2001).  In such an environment children are threatened with death or they would witness those resisting being shot to death and resultantly fear is instilled into them.    Well known targets for this repulsive behaviour are schools, children walking home from school, refugee camps and from the home, often during the night. Militias often use brutish methods to weaken resistance to forcible recruitment. The case study of Uganda reports that people who resisted attacks by the Lord's Resistance Army would be cut with pangas (machetes) (Matthew, 2008). Quite a number of victims had their lips and ears chopped off in macabre rituals. Some are severely beaten or dragged by armed group elements. In Ethiopia, armed militias would surround a public area such as a marketplace, order every male to sit down, and then force into a truck anyone deemed "eligible." At particular risk of abduction were also teenagers who worked on the streets selling cigarettes or candy.
Another contributing factor is that of ‘displacement’. Children that are separated from a family due to a variety of different reasons and the children will not have any reference for guidance, support or education. These children’s displacement may be the result of past wars that have created a generation of orphans as well as other children that are dislocated (Coomaruswamy, 2013). Often these times children may identify with an armed group and possibly even volunteer their services to an armed group. However many children most likely initially move to either live on the streets in urban areas or possibly be able to access an orphanage for protection and shelter, although many will end up in refugee camps for displaced peoples. It is from these places of ‘safety’ that these special risk groups are often forcibly recruited and as they are especially vulnerable and feel defenseless they will usually come to acceptance of promises that a powerful armed group will also provide them with protection, shelter, food, and other basics of survival (Save the Children Federation, 2001).
Failure of regionalism is another contributory factor that has led to child soldiering.  Regional blocks have failed to come up with specific protocols that are enforceable to deal with child soldiering. Some Governments have not ratified and implemented pertinent regional and international treaties and incorporate them into national laws, for instance, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which, upon entry into force, should have restricted the age of 18 as the minimum age for recruitment and participation in any armed force or armed group as enunciated in the Charter’s Article 22 (http//treaties.un.org). The ACERWC (2012) notes that, more than ten years after the entry into force of the Charter, its ratification has not yet been completed and observes that there has been slowness in the reporting of its implementation as required by Article 43 of the Charter. The African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC) bemoans that more than ten years after the entry into force of the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, only forty-six (46) of the fifty-four (54) Member States have ratified it, and only fifteen States Parties have fulfilled their obligation of submitting reports on the implementation of the Charter to the Committee. Regionalism has also failed to stop wars in DRC, CAR and South Sudan for instance. Such a situation has provided fertile ground for child soldiering. 


Most African states do not have national laws that specifically deal with child soldiering although they have ratified the ACRWC. However, it is generally difficult to regulate fighting groups outside the government.  This is the reason why the world has failed to capture Joseph Konny of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes that include child soldiering (Matthew, 2008).  It is naturally difficult to expect terrorist groups like LRA or the Boko Haram of Nigeria to effect laws to protect children’s rights. Singer (2001, p. 45) attributes the expansion of child soldiers to the proliferation of light weapons
            “Rarely mentioned in analyses of world threats, which typically focus on the most complex and expensive systems, light weapons (rifles, grenades, light machine guns, land mines, and other “child-portable” systems) are the weapons most often used in contemporary warfare and produce 80 to 90 percent of all the casualties. Technological and efficiency advances in these weapons permit the transformation of children into lethal fighters”.
After the Cold War there were enormous amounts of small arms in surplus throughout the world. Until recently, the weight and technicality of small arms precluded the employment of children in front-line positions. The proliferation of simple, light arms such as the M16 and AK-47 assault rifles has meant that they are now easily handled and carried by the child. This is due in part to lighter weight, less moving parts, which allows for easy stripping and reassembling even for a child under the age of 10 (Faulkner, 2001).
Failed Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) also lead to former child soldiers opting to return to become rebels. This is mostly due to the fact that the ‘gun’ would have given a sense of power to the former child soldier (Honwana, 2002). One thing that is hate by former child soldiers is that the process takes long and difficult in many cases and will require feasible and special programs to achieve rehabilitation and reintegration (Zack-Williams, 2001; Malan, 2000). The most intriguing situation in the DDR programme is the reintegration of the former child soldier into a community he/she would have committed atrocities. In Mozambique, for instance, recruiters from RENAMO forced boy recruits to kill someone from their own village (Machel Study, 1996). In such a scenario the former child soldier will opt to remain in the bush than to return to a village where there is an uncertain future.
Finally it must be understood that war in some societies, after it has existed for some time, is a “growth industry” with its own logic and trajectory (Matthew, 2008). The supply of arms, control of resources through force, the recruitment of fighters all become part of the political economy. Arms dealers acquire vested interest in perpetuating the war, as do local commanders and local warlords (Malan, 2000). In such context children are socialized to accept as a part of life and to seek advancement within the structures that are created.
Such an industry grew because of the impunity that has been characteristic of most perpetrators of child soldiering (Singer, 2001). However, recent development are encouraging as twelve (12) high profile individuals publicly indicted by the International Criminal Court at The Hague, seven have been charged with war crimes against children such as using child soldiers. They include Lord’s Resistance Army leaders Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti (since deceased) and Okot Odhiambo (Matthew, 2008). Also on trial or in the pre-trial stage are cases against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, a militia leader from the Democratic Republic of Congo, who is on trial for recruiting children under 15. The ICC also has open cases on DRC commanders Bosco Ntaganda, Germain Katanga and Matthieu Ngudjolo Chui for their crimes against children. Liberia’s Charles Taylor has already been convicted and sentenced in The Hague over crimes against humanity that includes child soldiering.

The rehabilitation of child soldiers
The process of rehabilitation of child soldiers is divided into three categories
1.      Disarmament and demobilisation
This is the process of removing child soldier from the ranks of military groups. This may come as the result of the end of the conflict or the development worker, must negotiate for the removal of children from the ranks of military groups. Jimmy Carter tried in Sudan, Betty bigobe in Uganda negotiated with Joseph Kony.
Once the children are removed from the ranks of the militia groups , there must be given immediate basic needs in transit and an interim care centre in the place of arrival.

2.      Provision of the rehabilitation ideals

NB This step involves working on the child’s physical, mental ,spiritual and economic wellbeing.

Physical aspect
This involves instituting the treatment of physical injuries, the treatment of STIs, drug rehabilitation, disability training and a focus on nutrition.

·         Mental and emotional aspect
Upon return from the trenches former child soldiers suffer from physichological and emotional disturbance like extreme aggressiveness, with-drawl insominia, feelings of guilt and high turned anxiety. It is important to start solutions like Team building activities i.e. sports , counselling memory book and memory box programs the re-establishment of normal daily routines the resumption of education and exposure to the normal forms of leisure are methods by which the development worker can rehabilitate the child and physichologically and emotionally.

·         Economic aspect of rehabilitation
In some cases it is necessary to expose former child soldiers to vocational training and provide the children with the start up kits upon re-integration. The final step of the process of rehabilitation is re-integration.

3.      Re-integration
The process of tracing the child’s parent or guardians or the child’s community of origin. The aim is to reconcile the child soldier with the above named institutions.
 NB to this end it is a process that involves counselling of the child and the probable recipients of the child.
NB In the some cases there is a need of the development worker to facilitate spiritual cleansing of the child and other rituals for example in Angola where cleansing rituals are done. When the child gets re- admitted into their community the development worker will continue to undertake Monitoring and Evaluation.  














REFERENCES
ACERWC 2012 Report of the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC) to the Twenty-First Session of the Executive Council  9 – 13 July 2012 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. www.africa–union.org accessed on 23 August 2014.

Cahn, N. 2005, ‘Poor Children: Child “Witches” and Child Soldiers in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Public Law and Legal Theory Paper No. 177, The George Washington University law School.

Faulkner, F. 2001, 'Kindergarten Killers: Morality, Murder and the Child Soldier Problem', Third World Quarterly, vol. 22, no. 4, pp. 491–504.
Honwana, A. 2002 Negotiating Post-war Identities: Child Soldiers in Mozambique and Angola, in Bond, G and Gibson, N (ed) 2002. Contested Terrains and Constructed Categories. Colorado: Westview Press, p. 3.
Hope Sr. K. R. 2005 'Child Survival, Poverty, and Labor in Africa', Journal of Children and Poverty, vol.11, no. 1, pp. 19 — 42.
Hughes, L. 2000 'Can International Law Protect Child Soldiers?', Peace Review, vol.12, no. 3, pp. 399 — 405.

Malan, M. 2000 ‘Disarming and Demobilising Child Soldiers: The Underlying Challenges’, African Security Review, vol. 9, no. 5/6.

UNICEF, 1997 Cape Town Principles and Best Practices. Adopted at the Symposium on the Prevention of Recruitment of Children into the Armed Forces and on Demobilization and Social Reintegration of Child Soldiers in Africa 27-30 April 1997Cape Town, South Africa.

Machel Study, 1996 "Report of the Expert of the Secretary-General,GracaMachel, on the 'Impact of Armed Conflict on Children' Document A/51/306 & Add 1." www.unicef.org/graca/a51-306_en.pdf accessed on 18 September 2014

Coomaraswamy, R. 2009 An address delivered at the University of Michigan Root Causes of Child Solder Phenomenon an UN Initiatives posted by transCurrents on March 15, 2009 08:54 AM Permalink transCurrents.com contact Email: editor@transcurrents.com.

Matthew, G. (2008) The Wizard of the Nile: The Hunt for Africa's Most Wanted. New York:    Portobello Books.

Save the Children Federation 2001 Child Soldiers Care & Protection of Children in Emergencies, Save the Children Federation, accessed 20 August 2014, <http://www.savethechildren.org/publications/technical-resources/emergencies-protection/ChildSoldiersFieldGuide.pdf>
Singer, P.W. 2001, ‘Caution: Children at War’, Parameters, vol.31, no. 4, winter 2001/2002, p. 40.
Zack-Williams, A.B. 2001 'Child Soldiers in the Civil War in Sierra Leone', Review of African Political Economy, vol. 28, no. 87, pp. 73 — 82.
UNICEF 1997 The Cape Town Principles and Best Practices. The NGO Working Group on the Convention on the Rights of the Child and UNICEF symposium in Cape Town (South Africa) from 27 to 30 April 1997 www.unicef.org Accessed on 29 August 2014.
www.savethechildren.org ‘Children in CAR Suffering from Sexual Abuse, Diseases and Recruitment into Armed Groups.’ Retrieved on 03 September 2014.
www.unicef.org: ‘Too Often in Silence, 2010.’ Retrieved on 25 August 2014


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